Samuel Edward Konkin III

Samuel Edward Konkin III was a libertarian theorist, writer, and editor best known for his variation on anarchism he termed Agorism. He was also a minor figure in science fiction fandom and writing.

His beginnings as a political activist were as an ultra-conservative in the Social Credit party of Canada, but he said he was radicalized by the libertarian movement as it was starting to take form during the late 1960s. He opposed political parties, especially the Libertarian Party, because he was against voting, viewing it as a coercive act against libertarian principles.

Konkin's most famous contribution to libertarianism, not to mention anarchism in general, came due to a response from Murray Rothbard, who challenged the anti-voting and anti-party libertarians to come up with some path to liberty of their own. Konkin's answer was The New Libertarian Manifesto: a booklet published in 1980 that helped bring Agorism into being and popularized his philosophy.

The New Libertarian Manifesto
The New Libertarian Manifesto advocated the growth of the underground economy outside of government control, which would eventually lead to a showdown where the government would attempt to initiate force against the black market to suppress it. However, the black market would be too strong by that point, and the government would wither away from irrelevance.

Konkin termed this black market the "counter-economy" and the advocacy and practice of it "counter-economics". Konkin included a rather broad range of activities under the heading of counter-economics. Examples of this included truck drivers who drove over the speed limit, yard sales where sales taxes were not collected, illegal/undocumented immigrants, workers crossing union picket lines, prostitutes, smugglers, drug users, and drug dealers.

Konkin vs. Rothbard
Despite describing his Agorism as "left-Rothbardian" and crediting its creation to Murray Rothbard, the said person panned the book. He claimed Konkin's counter-economy could only ever consist of marginalia such as gambling and prostitution but would never be able to address vital needs of mass production and manufacturing. He said it was absurd to lump together business people and factory owners skirting regulations with the underground/illegal economy as if they were all consciously part of the same mass movement. One example of an organized counter-economy mass movement, said Rothbard, was the Mafia which doesn't exactly follow the libertarian non-aggression principle. Furthermore, the black market in such countries, like the Soviet Union, was no threat to the state but may have helped extend its lifespan.

As was to be naturally expected, Konkin was not amused. Not long after Rothbard attempted to discredit him and his ideas, Konkin took Rothbard to task for his comments. In a long reply, though notably shorter than Rothbard's initial verbal gambit, Konkin meticulously addressed all the major points Rothbard made. He countered, in a nutshell, by saying Rothbard's points were incorrect, inconsistent, ignorant, and, in some cases, just plain stupid.

In addition to taking some of Rothbard's right-libertarianism to task, one of Konkin's most notable criticisms was pointing out Rothbard's hypocrisy in claiming to be for the end of the state yet still encouraging people to use political processes it still controls and holds a monopoly on. Konkin was especially keen to point out that Rothbard's support of voting was misguided and illogical, holding that bona fide anarchists wouldn't waste time "voting for masters" and instead seek out "the underground railway" or, put more simply, would seek out counter-economic tactics to undermine its power and self-interests. He said this would result in the state, not to mention the power elite who prop it up and depend upon it, collapsing, enabling an opportunity for anarchism to become the norm.

Coincidentally, Konkin's consistent anti-electoral ideology and advocacy of it was one of the key reasons he was largely kept out of the mainstream libertarian movement during his lifetime. His battles with Rothbard and his mainly right-libertarian supporters didn't help. The result was that Konkin, for much of his life, was made an obscure left-libertarian philosopher until he died in 2004.

Even after his death, many vehement right-Rothbardians carry on Rothbard's disdain for Konkin and Agorism. The Mises Institute has barely anything about Konkin and his Agorism, even though both stem directly from Rothbard's anarcho-capitalism. If you are game and do try looking, you'll only find a few snippets, a stub on their official Wiki for both Konkin plus Agorism, and the lengthy letter Rothbard addressed to Konkin. That's it, really.

Influence in sci-fi
Originally from Canada, Konkin eventually settled in Long Beach, California, where he lived in the same apartment complex with several libertarian-leaning science fiction writers. Besides Konkin, this included J. Neil Schulman, Brad Linaweaver, and Victor Koman.

J. Neil Schulman's novel Alongside Night is dedicated to Konkin and based on his theories. The novel posits a future world in which an alternative economy flourishes with its own underground currency while the government-sanctioned economy collapses amid hyperinflation. A "free market" economist who is a dead-ringer for Milton Friedman is eventually convinced to switch his allegiance from the collapsing government to the emerging stateless economy. Linaweaver's and Koman's sci-fi writings also incorporate some influence from Konkin's political theories.

Neologisms
Konkin coined several terms, some of which have entered the mainstream. His most significant and lasting contributions may well be the terms Kochtopus, which has since been adopted as a term of derision by a wide range of people critical of the Koch family's money and political influence, and minarchism, which describes a state of affairs where the state still exists but its power has been stripped down to its barest necessary minimum, which Konkin saw as serving as a neutral arbiter for the enforcement of contracts and the prevention of fraud, aggression, and the destruction of property. Other terms he coined that have not encountered much usage outside of his own circles include left-Rothbardianism (another term for his own theories, meant to highlight their derivation from Rothbard before his shift to the right) and partyarch (anarchists who are members of political parties, institutions which Konkin saw as inextricably statist).

Well, at least he was consistent
The New Libertarian gave advertising space to the Institute for Historical Review, a Holocaust denial group founded by Willis Carto. Konkin rejected Holocaust denial but supported the IHR, believing their freedom of speech was under attack.

Legacy
Konkin's philosophy has been recently experiencing a posthumous revival. A notable example of this is Bitcoin, many of whose more fervent advocates view cryptocurrencies as a counter-economy finally emerging and believe such currencies will supplant the existence of the government.

What's more, the right wing of the libertarian movement has become a train wreck in recent years, its growing alliance with paleoconservatism and right-wing populism in the '90s and '00s eventually giving rise in the '10s to the alt-right and neoreactionary movements that abandoned libertarianism altogether. Given how that dumpster fire is still growing, it's no surprise that many who still identify as libertarians are going with Konkin's advice to ditch right-libertarianism in favor of going back to square one, veering more to the left in the process. Konkin worked hard to accomplish this during his life, but it was a goal that gained little leeway initially. Left-libertarian writer Kevin Carson credits this direction change as rooted in Konkin's activism and Agorist philosophy.