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Police lineups Eyewitness testimony

confession coertion[edit]

-historical beatings threats modern -lies -confusion -keeping you there

racial profiling[edit]

history black hispanic middle eastern justifications -disproportionate crime committed


does it prevent crime use as in prison punishment

prison labour[edit]

Prison labor is a practice where those who are in jail for a crime are either compelled or forced to work for the state. This can either be done without any payment as part of the punishment or with a salary, often being paid far below minimum wage in america. This process has been defended in a variety of ways, often by saying that it helps with reforming criminals do to the work experience

slavery work around[edit] post 13th amendment

At the end of the Civil War, the 13th amendment abolished slavery “except as a punishment for a crime.” This opened the door for more than a century of forced labor that was in many ways identical to, and in some ways worse than, slavery.

But James was optimistic. Slavery may have been gone, but something like it was already beginning to come back in other states. While antebellum convicts were mostly white, 7 out of 10 prisoners were now black. In Mississippi, “Cotton King” Edmund Richardson convinced the state to lease him its convicts. He wanted to rebuild the cotton empire he’d lost during the war, and, with its penitentiary burned to ashes, the state needed somewhere to send its prisoners. The state agreed to pay him $18,000 per year for their maintenance, and he could keep the profits derived from their labor.

He immediately purchased hundreds of thousands of dollars of machinery to turn the state penitentiary into a three‑story factory. One newspaper called it “the heaviest lot of machinery ever brought in the state.” The prison became capable of producing 10,000 yards of cotton cloth, 350 molasses barrels, and 50,000 bricks per day. It would also produce 6,000 pairs of shoes per week with the “most complete shoe machinery ever set up south of Ohio.” The factory was so large that the Daily Advocate argued it would stimulate Louisiana’s economy by increasing demand for cotton, wool, lumber, and other raw materials.

In 1873, a joint committee of senators and representatives inspected the Louisiana State Penitentiary and found it nearly deserted: “The looms that used to be worked all day and all night, are now silent as the tomb.” The warden and the lessees were not at the prison. “It is pretty difficult to find out who are the lessees or, indeed, whether or not there are any,” the inspectors wrote in their report. Where were the convicts? Almost as soon as James’ prison factory was running, he’d abandoned it. He’d discovered that he could make a lot more money subcontracting his prisoners to labor camps, where they were made to work on levees and railroads. A convict doing levee and railroad work cost one‑twentieth the labor of a wage worker.

In 1875, it forbade convict labor from being used outside prison walls—senators and representatives were concerned it would deprive their constituents of jobs—but James disregarded the ban and kept his labor camps going.

A convict under James’ lease had a higher chance of death than he would have had as a slave. In 1884, the editor of the Daily Picayune wrote that it would be “more humane to punish with death all prisoners sentenced to a longer period than six years” because the average convict lived no longer than that.

At the time, the death rate at six prisons in the Midwest, where convict leasing was nonexistent, was about 1 percent. By contrast, in the deadliest year of Louisiana’s lease, nearly 20 percent of convicts perished.

Some American camps were far deadlier than Stalin’s: In South Carolina, the death rate of convicts leased to the Greenwood and Augusta Railroad averaged 45 percent a year from 1877–79. In 1870, Alabama prison officials reported that more than 40 percent of their convicts had died in their mining camps. A doctor warned that Alabama’s entire convict population could be wiped out within three years.

how its mandatory[edit]

the conditions[edit]

ties to reforming prisoners[edit]

-not being able to work the jobs they did in jail As multiple fires rage across California, the role firefighting inmates play is coming under renewed scrutiny. Despite their extensive training and heroic efforts in times of crisis, these inmates are often denied roles in fire departments after they're released because of their felony records.

Currently, most fire departments require candidates to have an EMT license, which Farouk says is extremely difficult to acquire with a felony conviction.

added sugar[edit]

sneaking in sugar through natural sources (like apple juice) how sugar is sugar natural fallacy

Third wave[edit]

Behavior of the students[edit]

To give validity to the seriousness of my words I turned to the three women in the class whom I knew had questioned the Third Wave. I demanded that they leave the room. I explained why I acted and then assigned four guards to escort the women to the library and to restrain them from entering the class an Friday. Then in dramatic style I informed the class of a special noon rally to take place on Friday. This would be a rally for Third Wave Members only.

you are responsible for stopping any student that is not a Third Wave member from entering this room.

Economics of Charity[edit]


Feeding the poor[edit]

police lineups[edit]

A police lineup is a common way police attempt to let a witness identify suspect by putting suspects into a room with fillers of the same build and complexion who both stand facing the witness and in profile.

the issues[edit]

-contamination -expectations -not double blind

-alternatives(sequential - studies