Nationalism in history textbooks
| Fiction over fact|
|How it didn't happen|
“”You've got to be taught
To hate and fear, you've got to be taught from year to year
|—Oscar Hammerstein, South Pacific|
“”We don't need no education
We don't need no thought control
|—Pink Floyd, Another Brick in the Wall|
Common themes in nationalist historiography
Nationalist history textbooks will often go into very great detail about the history of "our nation", including its brave exploits and achievements (whether real or imagined), while diverting attention from the country's ethnic minorities or other nations in the vicinity. This paints a picture where the history of the country is disproportionately similar to that of the dominant ethnic group, with minorities neglected, ignored or treated as unwelcome intruders. A student taking such a textbook at its word is left with the impression that their own nation represents the pinnacle of all that is best in the world, with other nations' contributions to human culture diminished, denied, or labeled undesirable or even oppressive.
The Bulwark myth
History textbooks often promote an Antemurale myth, the idea that a certain nation is the bulwark against some religion or group. For instance, the official historiographies of several Balkan nations (such as Serbia, Croatia, Albania, and Romania) promote the idea that they are the Antemurale Christianitatis (Bulwark of Christianity), without whom all of Europe would have been taken over by the Ottomans and (in the case of the non-Albanian narratives) Islamized. Similarly, during the Cold War Americans were encouraged to consider the United States a bulwark against Communism, which would engulf the entire world if the country wavered from its steadfast opposition to Socialism and Communism in all its forms.
The myth of victimhood
“”Alas, Nationalism, the "cocaine of the middle classes", tends to stamp its nihil obstat on histories that overlook the negative aspects of the in-group. In appreciation of the full story we must look at history with our coveted victimhood set to one side.
|—Liam Hogan, The Myth of "Irish Slaves" in the Colonies|
The nation is often presented as an immaculate entity that has rarely, if ever, done harm to anyone; wrongs "we" have committed are often stifled, revised, or outright ignored. Wrongs of which "we" are on the receiving end, however, are frequently emphasized, embellished, and may even be fabricated. This caricature of a saintly victim engaged against malicious, oppressive Others[note 1] tends to promote a siege mentality which leads to suspicion, mistrust, and hatred directed towards other nations, groups, and individuals. Such an attitude can favor xenophobic oppression, which is portrayed as justified vengeance for historic wrongs[note 2] (regardless of how large, oppressive, or imperialist the nation in question may be in the present) or preemptive defense against the predations of the Other, as noted by Leo Tolstoy:
“”Those attacks upon language and religion in Poland, the Baltic provinces, Alsace, Bohemia, upon the Jews in Russia, in every place that such acts of violence occur—in what name have they been, and are they, perpetrated? In none other than the name of that patriotism which you defend.
Ask our savage Russifiers of Poland and the Baltic provinces, ask the persecutors of the Jews, why they act thus. They will tell you it is in defence of their native religion and language; they will tell you that if they do not act thus, their religion and language will suffer—the Russians will be Polonised, Teutonised, Judaised.
Extreme nationalism may be used as a justification for irredentism as well. Since "we" are a peace-loving people who would never dream of oppressing anyone (or at least anyone who matters), it is preferable that "our" country be as large as possible. Such an attitude also works in favor of assimilation and oppression of minorities; as "our" nation is universally superior, the world would be objectively better off if it contained only "our" nation and "our" kind of people.
|—William Ralph Inge|
Nationalist historians may attempt to show that their nation is the only one that has the "right" to live in a certain region by emphasizing or creating myths of ancient origins and common descent, according to which the nation has homogeneous ancestry and inhabited its current territory before all others. (Often, this is accomplished by claiming the nation in question is "descended" from some ethnic group that in antiquity inhabited the territory they claim is "rightfully theirs".) This idea that "we were here first" can be used to delegitimize the rights of ethnic minorities, which supposedly "came later", and to promote an ideal of the nation-state as being ethnically homogeneous (peaceful multicultural coexistence? Don't be ridiculous!), as it supposedly was in the good old days. Examples are Slavomacedonians claiming to be descended from the Ancient Macedonians, with Alexander the Great being considered a Macedonian national hero, the French claiming to be descended from Gauls, the Romanians claiming to be descended from the Dacians[note 3], the Bulgarians claiming to be descended from Thracians, and the claims of some Slovenians that the Slovenians are descended from the Veneti. These ideas are all very dubious. They are linguistically false, as none of these modern ethnic groups actually speak the languages of the groups they claim to be descended from. Genetically, all individuals have ancestors from countless different ethnic groups, so to claim one of these countless groups alone as being "our ancestors" is absurd and misrepresents human history. All ethnic groups have cultural influences from a wide variety of sources, and while certain influences are often stronger or weaker than others, it is illogical to focus on one of these sources to the exclusion of all else.
One review of the history book Neglected Barbarians, which is about lesser-studied ancient ethnic groups, contains the statement: "Even barbarians with persistent and documented identities may fall into neglect, however, if the particular group has failed to be claimed as part of a modern nationalist-historical narrative." Note the word "claimed". The claims of descent made by nationalist historians generally do not reflect any actual linguistic reality, but merely are arbitrarily arranged in a way that they believe is most convenient for their nationalist politics. Such ideologies can change over time, so that today's hated enemy or ignored no-name may be tomorrow's beloved ancestor, or vice versa. Regardless of whether a particular such claim of antecedence is true or not, to use it as a bludgeon with which to discriminate against minorities is nothing less than bigotry.
One (small) saving grace to settler societies like the United States having occupied land well known to have previously been occupied by other people is that they can't get away with this sort of sophistry, though they may try to make up for it in other ways. Some groups within the country may make convoluted attempts to claim "their kind of people" were there before, somehow, but few pay those claims much attention.
One cause of irredentism, both presently and historically, has been educational systems. Education is often used as a means of instilling nationalism, xenophobia, exclusionary ethnic loyalty, irredentist attitudes, and the idea that only one ethnic group has the "right" to live in a certain area. This was noted by Franz Boas in his 1915 essay Race and Nationality (emphasis added):
“”Progress has been slow, but almost steady, in the direction of expanding the political units from hordes to tribes, from tribes to small states, confederations, and nations. The concept of the foreigner as a specifically distinct being has been so modified that we are beginning to see in him a member of mankind.
Enlargement of circles of association, and equalization of rights of distinct local communities, have been so consistently the general tendency of human development, that we may look forward confidently to its consummation.
It is obvious that the standards of ethical conduct must be quite distinct as between those who have grasped this ideal and those who still believe in the preservation of isolated nationality in opposition to all others. In order to form a fair judgment of the motives of action of the leaders of European nations at the present time, we should bear in mind that in all countries the standards of national ethics, as cultivated by means of national education, are opposed to this wider view. Devotion to the nation is taught as the paramount duty, and it is instilled into the minds of the young in such a form that with it grows up and is perpetuated the feeling of rivalry and of hostility against all other nations.
Conditions in Europe are intelligible only when we remember that by education patriotism is surrounded by a halo of sanctity, and that national self-preservation is considered the first duty.
Leo Tolstoy, in his 1894 essay Christianity and Patriotism, cites a French textbook advocating irredentism and militarism:
“”And why in all French schools is history taught from the primer of M. Lavisse (twenty-first edition, 1889), in which the following is inserted:—
"Since the insurrection of the Commune France has had no further troubles. The day following the war she again resumed work. She paid Germany without difficulty the enormous war indemnity of five milliards.
In response to such nationalism, the writer Rafael Barret had a hypothetical Frenchman say, in his essay El antipatriotismo:
“”You tell me Germany has insulted me and that I should take vengeance. If you hadn't told me, I never would have known.
A third-grade Bulgarian textbook published in 1920, objecting to the 1913 annexation of Southern Dobruja by Romania in the Second Balkan War, contained the verses, "A thieving Wallach, in the most cowardly way, / Came in our country / He found houses where the master was gone / Loot on the head of the brigand and thief." Numerous history textbooks in Serbia, Romania, and Macedonia promote the ideas of Greater Serbia, Romania, and Macedonia, respectively; they promote a persecution complex characteristic of nationalism according to which the ethnicity in question is beyond reproach and has always been victimized by everyone else, with territorial expansion being portrayed as a necessary and justified righting of past wrongs. Irredentism was also promoted in Hungarian textbooks after the Treaty of Trianon of 1920:
“”In the interwar years, irredentism was elevated to a national cult marked by annual memorials. Budapest's centrally located Szabadség tér was fashioned into a pantheon for the cause, sporting allegorical monuments to the lost territories, laden in romantic imagery, as well as a 'Statue of Hungarian Grief'. It was integrated into the school curriculum and children were taught to recite the 'Hungarian Credo' (the winning entry of a patriotic poetry competition in 1920): 'I believe in one God, I believe in one Homeland, I believe in one divine eternal justice, I believe in the resurrection of Hungary. Amen'. Constantly promoted through popular print, in particular the conservative journal Magyar Szemle [Hungarian Review], irredentism permeated popular culture, becoming a staple of banal nationalism.
The 2000 book Historia de las Relaciones Exteriores Argentinas (History of Argentinian External Relations) goes into some detail about the fact that the educational textbooks and official historiographies of many South American countries emphasize territories "lost" to their neighbors. (It also discusses the artificiality of national identities (Latin American ones, but also more generally) and the indoctrination which sustains them.) It quotes a passage from the 1988 Bolivian textbook El Mar Boliviano (The Bolivian Sea):
“”This book is intended for students and attempts to make them understand the entire magnitude of our tragedy, the methods that Chile used to wage its war of plunder and the inability of our governors to stop the machinations of the enemy, the enemy's treacherousness, Chile's expansionist use and abuse of force to take its neighbor's territories, and Chile's use of the riches of these territories to facilitate its growth.
Indeed, Bolivia even has an irredentist national holiday, the Día del Mar (Day of the Sea), dedicated to commemorating and reversing the loss of its coastal territories to Chile in the War of the Pacific. The Historia also notes that irredentism is non-existent in Western Europe:
“”In the past decades and centuries, territorial irredentism was a common phenomenon in Western Europe. See, for example, José Mará Areilza and Fernando María Castiella, Reivindicaciones de España, Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Políticos, 1941. Obviously, this phenomenon is dramatically prevalent in the Balkans today. Western Europe, however, has overcome this tendency to such an extent that it has gone to the opposite extreme, and nowadays it is difficult to find references to the Franco-Prussian War of 1870 in French or German primary history textbooks.
Glossing over atrocities / genocide
A lot of countries have been involved in genocide or other types of atrocities during their history (for instance, Emperor Justinian is still celebrated in some corners despite his genocidal policy against the Ostrogoths in Italy,) but usually it is glossed over or not talked about at all. If talking about it cannot be avoided, things are presented in a different light with common themes being "the victims had it coming", "it was war and chaos" or "but other nations were even worse". Even the poster child of "dealing with the past" – Germany – is guilty of this. While the Holocaust is anything but glossed over, atrocities like the Herero and Namaqua genocide in Namibia are hardly to be found in textbooks of any level, even though German colonies are a known historical fact among the general public and are a subject of history classes.
Solving the problem of nationalist bias
There have been a number of initiatives aimed at creating history textbooks that present history in a way that does not encourage or promote xenophobia or irredentism. These include projects involving historians from multiple nations collaborating to produce a text intended to be free of the ethnocentrism so often found in history textbooks, such as Histoire/Geschichte (France and Germany), The Contemporary and Modern History of Three East Asian Countries (China, Korea, and Japan), and The Balkan Wars (Balkan countries).
- Lies My Teacher Told Me
- Armenian Genocide denial
- Dialect continuum
- Nationalist pseudohistory
- Turkish nationalism
- History and national identity: why they should remain divorced
- Textbook cases, Chapter 10, The Economist
- 1066 and all that, New Statesman
- World War I History Divides Balkan Schoolchildren, Balkaninsight.com
- See the Wikipedia article on Historiography and nationalism.
- "Our Ancestors the Gauls": Archaeology, Ethnic Nationalism, and the Manipulation of Celtic Identity in Modern Europe, Michael Dietler
- Speak Out Against the Hindutva Assault on California's History Textbooks, Friends of South Asia
- The Hindutva Movement and Reinventing of History – by Nobel Laureate Dr. Amartya Sen, Friends of South Asia
- Brokering nationalism & multiculturalism through history textbooks: the Hindu textbook campaign of 2005
- The Hindutva View of History, Rewriting Textbooks in India and the United States
- The Politics of Hindutva and the NCERT Textbooks, Atishi Marlena
- Hindutva Abroad, The California Textbook Controversy, Purnima Bose
- The Antagonistic Complicity of Nationalisms--On Nationalist Phenomenology in East Asian History Textbooks, Lim Jie-Hyun
- See the Wikipedia article on Japanese history textbook controversies.
- « Nos ancêtres gaulois », une invention du XIXe siècle
- The phenomenon of portraying one's in-group as powerless in the face of an omnipotent enemy is humorously depicted in the following joke:
“”Rabbi Altmann and his secretary were sitting in a coffeehouse in Berlin in 1935. "Herr Altmann," said his secretary, "I notice you're reading Der Stürmer! I can't understand why. A Nazi libel sheet! Are you some kind of masochist, or, God forbid, a self-hating Jew?"
"On the contrary, Frau Epstein. When I used to read the Jewish papers, all I learned about were pogroms, riots in Palestine, and assimilation in America. But now that I read Der Stürmer, I see so much more: that the Jews control all the banks, that we dominate in the arts, and that we're on the verge of taking over the entire world. You know – it makes me feel a whole lot better!"
- In many cases, nationalists will point to past atrocities by members of an ethnic group they despise as a justification for their xenophobia against the ethnicity as a whole even when the perpetrators may be all (or mostly) long dead, with there being no individual alive who could conceivably be said to be responsible for or guilty of the crimes in question.
- A common theme in Romanian nationalism is that the Romanians' supposed Dacian descent proves that they alone have the right to inhabit Transylvania, with the Hungarians painted as later intruders. This obsession with the Dacians is puzzling, since the Romans (from whose language, as opposed to that of the Dacians, Romanian is unquestionably descended) were, in fact, "there first" before the Hungarians. From a Romanian nationalist point of view, the Dacian component of the Romanians' supposed Daco-Roman descent is totally unnecessary as far as proving Romanian precedence.
- Six Words: 'You've Got To Be Taught' Intolerance, NPR.
- Albanians and Their Neighbours: the Future’s Past, Dubravka Stojanovic.
- "History Textbooks in the Balkans: Representations and Conflict", Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, in The Poetics of Memory in Post-Totalitarian Narration, pages 139-154
- Serbian and Albanian Contrasting History, Balkaninsight.com. The study mentioned in the article is Etnički stereotipi i nacionalni mitovi kao prepreke pomirenju: albansko-srpski odnosi (Ethnic Stereotypes and National Myths as an Obstacle to Reconciliation: Albanian-Serbian Relations)
- The Myth of “Irish Slaves” in the Colonies by Liam Hogan
- Have Xenophobia and Racism Become Mainstream in Turkey?
- For example, see the video Я Русский Оккупант (I am a Russian occupier), which cites the Polish conquest of Moscow during the Polish-Muscovite War as a justification for Russian imperialism. This reasoning is fairly nonsensical, but unfortunately common among nationalists.
- A Reply to Criticisms, Wikisource.
- Письмо Толстого М. Э. Здзеховскому (о патриотизме) (1895 г. Сентября 10. Я. П.)
- End Of An Age and Other Essays, Archive.org.
- The (re-)making of the myth of ancient origin in Macedonian history textbooks, Darko Stojanov.
- FYROM Primary School History Textbooks, Stavroula Mavrogeni.
- De ce au devenit dacii strămoșii simbolici ai românilor, Historia.ro.
- Review: Neglected Barbarians. Studies in the Early Middle Ages [by Florin Curta, 32. Turnhout: Brepols, 2011. Pp. xx, 656] by Arnold A. Lelis (13.02.13) The Medieval Review .
- PROBLEMA CADRILATERULUI - DIFERENDUM TERITORIAL ŞI REPERE IMAGOLOGICE
- Proper Language, Proper Citizen:Standard Practice and Linguistic Identity in Primary Education, Amanda Greber.
- “No, Nay, Never” (Once More): The Resurrection of Hungarian Irredentism, Guy Beiner.
- Día del Mar – Bolivia Commemorates the War of the Pacific.
- A Joint Approach to History